There shall never be another season of silence until women have the same rights men have on this green earth. ---Susan B. Anthony

The year 1848 marked the official beginning of the organized Woman's Rights Movement in the United States. The Woman's Rights Movement was a dynamic movement populated with many dedicated, brilliant, persevering women who posed a significant challenge to the political, legal, and social systems of the United States. At the beginning of the nineteenth century women in most states were unable to control their own earnings, manage property legally their own, or sign legal papers such as wills. Although relegated to their own private sphere and relatively powerless, some women took initiative and became involved in areas of reform such as temperance and abolition. This eventually opened the way for women to come together in an organized movement in the 1840s to fight for their own rights in such areas as equal education, labor, legal reform, and the professions. The longest battle the Woman's Rights Movement waged was the effort to enfranchise women; suffragists fought for over seventy-two years to gain the vote. Yet even as women in the nineteenth century began to sense that the drive for suffrage would gain success, other issues began to emerge that were significantly different from women's demands in the early years of the movement.

A detailed study contrasting the lives of two prominent activists, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Charlotte Perkins Gilman, illuminates a fundamental change in the Woman's Rights Movement in the nineteenth century. In the early years of the movement the fight for equality centered around the public sphere, although as the nineteenth century progressed the focus shifted to reform within the private areas of women's lives.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton, one of the pioneers of the Woman's Rights Movement, was born in 1815. An early biographer stated that Stanton lived "in an era when the law cast the shadow of a 'defect of sex' over women."¹ Stanton lived a stable, middle class life as the daughter of a prominent judge in New York. While very young, she habitually sat in her father's office while he counseled clients, many of whom were women seeking legal help. In her father's office Stanton heard the sad stories of these women. Husbands took their wives' wages and spent the money on alcohol while the family starved, or wives had property they brought into the marriage seized to pay their husband's debts. In her utobiography, Stanton noted that "in our Scotch neighborhood many men still retained the old feudal ideas of women and property... the tears and complaints of the women who came to my father for legal advice touched my heart and early drew my attention to the injustice and cruelty of the laws."² Stanton observed how little the law recognized women's rights as her father was forced to show pleading women statutes in his many law books validating their powerlessness.

After her only brother's death, Stanton vowed to take his place in order to gain her father's approval and support. She studied Greek and Latin with a scholarly neighbor, and eventually attended Johnstown Academy where she continued to learn languages as well as mathematics; she was the only female student in attendance. At the age of fifteen she encountered obstacles in her education. When the boys with whom she studied at Johnstown Academy all went off to Union College, she could not join them because of her sex. Instead, she received an education from the Troy Seminary headed by Emma Williard. Although it was an excellent education for a girl of that time, she was unable to learn subjects that most interested her, which were those taught at Union College. Instead, she was matriculated into the domestic studies deemed appropriate for girls.

As an adult, Stanton became involved in the abolition movement. Her involvement supplied her with organizing skills that would carry over into her fight for woman's rights. Eleanor Flexner, the pioneering historian of women's nineteenth-century activism, noted: "It was in the abolition movement that women first learned to organize, to hold public meetings, to conduct petition campaigns. As abolitionists they first won the right to speak in public and began to evolve a philosophy of their place in society and of their basic rights."³ She married a prominent abolitionist, Henry Stanton, in 1840, and together they fought to end the deplorable institution of slavery. In the same year they married, the Stantons traveled to London to attend the World's Anti-Slavery Convention. Here, Elizabeth Cady Stanton's opportunities were once again hindered due to her sex. At the Convention, women abolitionists were prevented from actively participating and were forced to sit in the gallery behind a curtain to listen to the proceedings. Stanton noted, "Women, according to English prejudices at that time, were excluded by scriptural texts from sharing equal dignity and authority with men in all reform associations."⁴ William Lloyd Garrison boycotted the convention and sat with the women in solidarity. The majority of men, including Stanton's husband, continued to participate despite the fact that a portion of their movement was silenced. Stanton recalled that "the action of this convention was the topic of discussion, in public and private, for a long time, and stung many women into new thought and action and gave rise to the movement for women's political equality both in England and the U.S."⁵ In the early years of her marriage, Stanton remained active in the abolition movement, although after her new family moved to Seneca Falls she became rather isolated. She noted that "in Seneca Falls my life was comparatively solitary, and the change from Boston was somewhat depressing . . . Then, too, the novelty of housekeeping had passed away and much that was once attractive in domestic life was now irksome."⁶ Her husband traveled often on business while her life revolved around running her household and tending to the children. This personal brush with inequality prompted her to action. According to Stanton, "my experiences at the World Anti-Slavery Convention, all I had read of the legal status of women, and the oppression I saw everywhere, together swept across my soul, intensified now by many personal experiences... my only thought was a public meeting for protest and discussion."⁷ From that point on, the basis of Elizabeth Cady Stanton's arguments revolved around gaining equal rights under the law for women.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton entrenched her struggles firmly in the public sphere, utilizing legal channels to gain equality for women. The limitations of the law in regard to women bothered Stanton tremendously, and throughout her life she was very concerned with legal and constitutional issues. When she was a girl of ten, Stanton's father had told her, "When you are grown up... and able to prepare a speech, you must go to Albany and talk to the Legislature; tell them all you have seen in this office - the sufferings of these women, robbed of their inheritance and left dependent on their unworthy sons, and if you can persuade them to pass new laws, the old ones will be a dead letter."⁸ Her father did not realize it at the time, but that was what Stanton would eventually do. She devoted much of her life to changing the laws that subjugated women, such as those relating to women's property and their inequality within marriage and the labor force.

Shortly after moving to Seneca Falls, Stanton organized the first Woman's Rights Convention in 1848 as a forum to address legal inequalities. Stanton and other women reformers such as Lucretia Mott and Lucy Stone put forth philosophical arguments dealing with natural rights. The women reformers targeted the oppression of women. They reiterated arguments used by colonists against the tyranny of the British. They concluded that certain basic, inalienable rights were given to both men and women simply as a result of being born human. They used the Declaration of Independence as a model for their Declaration of Sentiments presented at the First Woman's Rights Convention, symbolically reinforcing their argument while stating that they would fight publicly through legislation to gain equality and full citizenship. In their Declaration they proclaimed "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men and women are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights: that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."⁹ The Declaration addressed many areas of inequality, including education, earnings, the closure of professions such as medicine and law to women, as well as addressing the double standard between men and women. Stanton believed strongly in the vote for women, believing it would be a panacea for the inequality between the sexes. Woman suffrage was a very controversial suggestion for many attendees of the first Convention and it passed by a very narrow margin; an endorsement of woman suffrage was the only measure not passed unanimously.

Stanton devoted much of her life persuading the rest of the country of the necessity of enfranchising women, and eventually the Woman's Rights Movement narrowed its focus as it took a conservative turn and fought solely for woman suffrage. Stanton, who was considered "the philosopher and chief publicist of the radical wing of the Woman's Rights Movement," wrote many speeches for Susan B. Anthony, and also went on lecture tours herself when time permitted.¹⁰ She was the first woman in the state of New York to appear in front of the legislature's Joint Judiciary Committee, which she continued to do over the course of her life.¹¹

By presenting petitions, writing pamphlets, preparing speeches, and holding conventions, the women reformers made slow progress. Eventually they called for an amendment to the Constitution allowing women the right to vote; it was titled the Anthony Amendment after Susan B. Anthony. The Anthony Amendment was introduced into Congress by Senator A. A. Sargent in 1878. Afterhard work and exhaustive campaigning state by state on the part of women such as Stanton, the same amendment would eventually be passed over forty years later as the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution.¹²

Stanton's life and activism reveal that although she and other feminists of the mid- nineteenth century wished to share in the opportunities available to men in the public sphere, they did not attempt to revolutionize the private sphere. Like the majority of women organizers of the early and mid-nineteenth century, Elizabeth Cady Stanton married and raised children. Alma Lutz, referring to the suffragists, noted "none of them were embittered by hard experiences or filled with antagonism toward men. All of them were happily married and were bringing up children."¹³ Elizabeth Cady married Henry Stanton, an abolitionist, and they had seven children. Even when her domestic responsibilities created an obstacle to her reform work on behalf of women's rights, Stanton seldom regretted her marriage or her childrearing duties. She considered her familial responsibilities her duty, and believed she owed her children the very best up-bringing she could possibly give them. Once Stanton decided to organize the first Women's Rights Convention her husband made it very clear that he would not support her in the endeavor. He, in fact, threatened to leave town if she followed through with her plans, and eventually did just that. Although she realized that subordination to the private, domestic sphere hampered women's abilities to lead full, productive lives, Stanton could not envision a way to produce change within the personal areas of their lives. Therefore, Stanton focused all of her attention on changing women's legal and public status.

It was not uncommon for women activists of the early movement with families to put their reform work on hold until their children were grown; most women did not question this sacrifice. However, with the help of servants and woman friends Stanton was able to continue working to reform laws on behalf of women, as well as for woman suffrage. Stanton was assisted by a housekeeper while her children were young, and later Stanton also relied on the help of Susan B. Anthony. Stanton and Anthony developed a dear friendship and a strong working partnership on behalf of woman's rights lasting from their meeting in 1851 until death. Elizabeth Cady Stanton described Susan B. Anthony as "the most intimate friend I have had for the past forty-five years - with whom I have spent weeks and months under the same roof - I can truly say that she is the ost upright, courageous, self-sacrificing, magnanimous human being I have ever known."¹⁴ For over twenty years of her partnership with Susan Anthony, Mrs. Stanton was raising children, therefore unable to travel and fight on behalf of women's equality with any amount of freedom. Stanton was lucky to have Anthony as a companion, and many times Susan Anthony traveled to the Stanton residence and cared for Stanton's seven children as Stanton prepared speeches and pamphlets for Anthony to disseminate. Nevertheless, it was only in Stanton's later years, after her children were in college or married, that she embarked on her adventures internationally on behalf of woman suffrage, which included her lecture tours in the United States.

As the twentieth century approached, the ideology of the Woman's Rights Movement began to change course. Charlotte Perkins Gilman noted that "the political equality demanded by the suffragists was not enough to give real freedom. Women whose industrial position is that of a house-servant, or who do no work at all, who are fed, clothed, and given pocket-money by men, do not reach freedom and equality by the use of the ballot."¹⁵ Gilman, who was born in 1860, came of age in a very different world than Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Gilman witnessed the birth of industrial capitalism and the forging of a national economy. By Gilman's time the ideology of separate spheres was deeply embedded within the consciousness of middle class men and women. Darwin's On the Origin of Species was popularly debated, and reformers, intellectuals, and radicals proliferated. Gilman was inspired by the extraordinary political and intellectual happenings of the late nineteenth century and she became an essayist, lecturer, and writer of fiction and poetry, as well as a major theorist and an influential social critic. Gilman was also a proponent of women's rights, although she did not argue for women's equality using the natural rights argument of earlier feminists such as Stanton. Instead, she "argued that women were narrowed by their position in society and that they therefore narrowed the lives of their men and their children. To improve society as a whole, it was necessary to free women from their domestic place."¹⁶ According to historian Ann Lane, Gilman attempted to "draw upon anthropology, biology, history, sociology, ethics, and philosophy to comprehend the contours of human evolution and human society in order to create a humane social order. She, along with other intellectuals of her time, sought to understand the world in order to change it."¹⁷ The late nineteenth century was the appropriate time for a woman such as Gilman to come of age "because as the pre-industrial code of morality and sense of community seemed to be eroding, voices of dissent began to be heard. This was a time of great intellectual speculation... it was a time when ideas were important and valued."¹⁸ In this freer atmosphere Gilman was able to write and lecture publicly; while not always embraced by the mainstream, she was allowed to have a public life.

Many of Charlotte Perkins Gilman's motivations for fighting for the equality of the sexes stemmed from personal experiences. Her father abandoned the family when she was young, leaving her to lead a life of poverty and self doubt. Her mother gave her little affection, believing she would never know the pain of rejection if she never experienced love. Unlike the generation of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, women of Gilman's generation tended to marry less often if they planned on entering the public sphere as reformers. In this tradition, Gilman decided early on to forego marriage and instead to pursue a career that would help humanity, following in the footsteps of women such as Jane Addams, founder of Hull House in Chicago: "From sixteen I had not wavered from that desire to help humanity which underlay all my studies. Here was the world, visibly unhappy and as visibly unnecessarily so; surely it called for the best efforts of all who could in the least understand what was the matter, and had any rational improvements to propose."¹⁹ The conventional roles of wife and mother made Gilman feel uneasy, although she did wish for the emotional bonding a husband and children could provide; she wanted a supportive family environment, although she could not bear to be confined solely to the domestic sphere. In her autobiography Gilman noted:

my mind was not fully clear as to whether I should or should not marry. On the one hand I knew it was normal and right in general, and held that a woman should be able to have marriage and motherhood, and do her work in the world also. On the other, I felt strongly that for me it was not right, that the nature of the life before me forbade it, that I ought to forego the more intimate personal happiness for complete devotion to my work.²⁰

Against her better judgment Gilman eventually did marry Harry Stetson in May of 1884, and soon thereafter began experiencing debilitating depressions caused by feelings of entrapment which continued for much of her first marriage. She was unable to accomplish her household duties, or even care for her young daughter at times. Unlike Stanton, Gilman expected a partner in marriage who would support her creative work. When Gilman's first marriage caused her misery she decided on divorce, which during the late 1800s was not only difficult to obtain, but also had a huge stigma attached. However, Gilman valued her independence and ability to work above all, therefore she filed for divorce after a short separation from her husband. Her catastrophic marriage to Stetson inspired the future struggles Gilman would endure through her work to restructure society so women would not have to forsake motherhood if they wished to pursue creative and intellectual pursuits. Years later Gilman married again, proving that a woman could have a happy marriage while working successfully in the public sphere.

As well as being affected by the inequalities of marriage and women's relegation to the domestic sphere, Gilman's outlook and motivations were also shaped by Socialist thought. Gilman, however, was not a Marxist. She believed gender was more important than class, and she strove for gender equality above all else. Instead of the Marxian view that with a Marxist revolution equality for women would come along with the disintegration of class inequality, Gilman believed that when women gained their freedom all humanity would then know equality. She advocated communal cafeterias and communal child care to help women escape the domestic sphere and lead productive lives while still being able to be mothers and wives. Gilman noted that "my Socialism was of the early humanitarian kind, based on the first exponents, French and English, with the American enthusiasm of Bellamy. The narrow and rigid 'economic determinism' of Marx... I never accepted... My main interest then was in the position of women, and the need for more scientific care for young children."²¹

By the late nineteenth century many changes had taken place in regard to women's status under the law because of victories gained in difficult legislative battles pursued by early reformers such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Although progress in favor of women varied from state to state, women generally had the right to the property they brought into a marriage and to the wages they earned. Women were entering institutions of higher education in greater numbers and many professions, such as medicine, that were previously closed to women were opening up to them. In her autobiography, Gilman noted that "women had claimed and won equal education, from the public schools to the universities, professional opportunity, and had made a place in medicine, law, the ministry, and all manner of trades, crafts and businesses."²²

Acknowledging the fair amount of legal equality achieved by women in the nineteenth century, Gilman proposed that the next challenge for women was change within a more personal gender structure. Gilman believed "there is no female mind. The brain is not an organ of sex,"²³ as did Elizabeth Cady Stanton, although Charlotte Perkins Gilman looked inward for change as opposed to looking toward the public realm in which Stanton fought for legislative reform. Even with much legal progress, women "had to battle against the basic concept that 'woman's place' was at home, her role still limited to that of housewife and mother, her obligations familial rather than civic or social."²⁴ Gilman participated in the suffrage movement and her diaries and autobiography exhibited her interest and activism on the part of women's rights. She attended her first Woman's Suffrage Convention in October of 1886, and began writing essays and columns in periodicals on the issue. Gilman, however, was not petitioning and speaking to state legislatures, or touring on behalf of the suffrage question as had Elizabeth Cady Stanton.

Charlotte Perkins Gilman had her own agenda; her true fight centered around the domestic issues of women, and specifically around the question of economic independence. Gilman believed that the relationship between the sexes needed to be equalized and fundamental change within the private sphere and marriage needed to take place in order for women to achieve equality with men. Most important, she believed that women needed to build an economic power base of their own in order to produce a more just and equally balanced society for all inhabitants. As she analyzed her mother's life, as well as her own individual experience with marriage, Gilman realized that to be free, women needed to be economically independent and allowed to have loving relationships simultaneously; women should not be forced to choose one or the other.

One arena in which Gilman addressed inequality was within her fiction. The short story The Yellow Wallpaper revealed many personal aspects and hardships of Gilman's own life which shaped her politics and belief that change within the domestic sphere was necessary. During the late nineteenth century many middle class women suffered from neurological ailments which were diagnosed as "Neurasthenia"; basically women were suffering increasing bouts of depression brought on by a contradiction in their roles and their confinement to the private sphere. The common cure at the time was the "Rest Cure" which provided that women do no work, no thinking, no writing; they simply ate a very rich diet, took long naps, and cared for their children. Gilman suffered through many bouts of depression through her life, and some of the most debilitating occurred shortly after her first marriage and the birth of her daughter Katherine. After being prescribed the "Rest Cure" by doctor S. Weir Mitchell and becoming progressively worse, Gilman wrote her story The Yellow Wallpaper in an attempt to tell the doctor, as well as society as a whole, what harm they were doing to women. Gilman commented that " the real purpose of the story was to reach Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, and convince him of the error of his ways."²⁵ From personal experience within a confining marriage, Gilman realized that trapping women in the domestic sphere as housekeepers and mothers with no creative outlets was psychologically harmful, and she believed this was the cause of the rise in so called neurotic ailments among middle class women in the nineteenth century. "Her marriage to Stetson, with its debilitating assumptions about the nature of women and men, became the material for The Yellow Wallpaper, certainly among the most harrowing portraits of stultifying, self-destroying marriage ever written."²⁶

While confronting inequality in her fiction writings, Gilman also addressed problems relating to women within her essays and social commentary. She was very concerned with the need for economic independence among women. Gilman noted that "as to women, the basic need of economic independence seemed to me of far more importance than the ballot; though that of course was a belated and legitimate claim, for which I always worked as opportunity offered."²⁷ One of her most revered works is Women and Economics, in which she put forth the idea that women needed to address their economic dependence on males. According to Gilman, "woman's economic profit comes through the power of sex attraction... the female gets her food from the male by virtue of her sex-relationship to him."²⁸ Gilman also advocated change in the way children were raised, advocating community involvement in her book Concerning Children while stressing "that we must teach children to learn, not to obey. They do learn in spite of us because 'natural laws' cannot be entirely shut out. But... the brain is an organ like any other: it needs nourishment and stimulation to achieve its full growth."²⁹ In her third book, The Home: Its Work and Influence, she acknowledged the harm done to educated women who were confined to the home and whose primary duties revolved around children, husband, and housework. Gilman envisioned kitchenless houses, day care centers, public kitchens, and community dining rooms in an effort to abolish the idea of relegating women to a separate woman's sphere.

Gilman's reforms centered around the personal arenas of women's lives, not dealing with legal change so much as social change within the family context. For Gilman,

it was a world that in its externals reflected [her] inner struggles; the fear and powerlessness in the public place had their counterparts in her private existence. By participating in reform efforts she could hope to find some way to manage her own private demons and arm herself with a sense of personal achievement and personal power.³⁰

Charlotte Perkins Gilman attempted to create a life where a woman's autonomy could coexist with intimate relationships, both important contributors to emotional stability. Gilman challenged patriarchal norms of the time, and she anticipated the direction feminists of future generations would explore. To Charlotte Perkins Gilman the personal was political, and the politics of the family needed to be reexamined as well as the laws in order for women to know true equality. Her cry would once again be taken up by women in the Women's Liberation Movement of the 1960s and 1970s.

The Woman's Rights Movement of the nineteenth century changed the lives of many women in the United States by slowly providing them with laws to combat their inequality. By the beginning of the twentieth century, women acquired increased access to professions, as well as rights to their wages, their property, and their children. The ideology of the movement was far from static as seen by the examination of two prominent members: Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Charlotte Perkins Gilman. Stanton, one of the Movement's pioneers, organized the Movement around the goal of gaining legal reform for women. Starting with the first Woman's Rights Convention in 1848, she continued throughout her lifetime fighting for legal and political equality for women by petitioning legislatures, rallying women together in conventions, presenting lectures and speeches, and paving the way, slowly but surely, for women to gain the vote. Stanton, along with her contemporaries, focused her fight firmly in the public sphere. She was not pleased with the ideology of separate spheres, although she did not envision ways to make changes in the personal areas of women's lives.

While the Woman's Rights Movement had its roots in activists such as Stanton who successfully forged legal change in the public sphere for women, a new concern for change in the personal realms of women's lives appeared as the twentieth centuy approached. Charlotte Perkins Gilman was born later in the century in 1860, coming of age in a time blessed with the many legal changes implemented by activists such as Stanton. Like the previous generation of feminists, Gilman was also committed to making strides in women's legal status. However, a much more pertinent issue to Gilman was a reordering of society; she was more of a humanist than a feminist, believing that both men and women's roles needed to be restructured in order to accomplish a freer existence for both. She believed the ideology of separate spheres was debilitating to women, and it was a necessity for women to be able to perform meaningful work outside of the home while still maintaining the right to motherhood. She did not petition legislatures; instead, she fought to reach people through her fiction, her lectures and her social commentary. She did not strive solely for legal changes in the public sphere for women. She wanted a restructuring of the family unit and the destruction of the ideology of separate spheres, neither of which could be legislated but involved personal choices and changes in lifestyles. Gilman was the predecessor to feminists of the future, and she essentially became the link that would eventually spill over into the Women's Liberation Movement of the 1960s and 1970s.

Alicia Vosberg has completed the Bachelor of Arts program in History at San Francisco State University with a focus on the history of the United States, Latin America, and the history of Europe since 1500. Alicia will enter the M.A. program at San Francisco State University this fall. She plans to focus on twentieth-century U.S. history with a special emphasis on gender. Her special interests include social and cultural history and women's history. Alicia was the Paul Lorence Scholarship recipient for 1999, honoring her as an outstanding undergraduate history student.

Endnotes

1 Alma Lutz, Created Equal: A Biography of Elizabeth Cady Stanton (New York: Octagon Books, 1974), vii. Return to essay
2 Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 80 years and More: Reminiscences 1815-1897 (New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 31. Return to essay
3 Eleanor Flexner and Ellen Fitzpatrick, Century of Struggle: The Woman's Rights Movement in the United States (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1996), 38. Return to essay
4 1 Stanton, 80 years and More, 79. Return to essay
5 Ibid., 82. Return to essay
6 Ibid., 145. Return to essay
7 Ibid., 147-148. Return to essay
6 Lutz, Created Equal, 5. Return to essay
9 Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage, eds., History of Woman Suffrage I (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 67. Return to essay
10 Stanton, 80 years and More, v. Return to essay
11 Flexner and Fitzpatrick, Century of Struggle, 81. Return to essay
12 Ibid., 165. Return to essay
13 Lutz, Created Equal, 44. Return to essay
14 Stanton, Eighty Years and More, 183.Return to essay
15 Charlotte Perkins Gilman, The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman: An Autobiography (New York: D. Appleton-Century Company, 1935), 235.Return to essay
16 Ann J. Lane, To Herland and Beyond: The Life and Work of Charlotte Perkins Gilman (New York: Pantheon Books, 1990), 232.Return to essay
17 Ibid., 230.Return to essay
18 Ibid., 11.Return to essay
19 Gilman, The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman, 70.Return to essay
20 Ibid., 83.Return to essay
21 Ibid., 131.Return to essay
22 Ibid., 257.Return to essay
23 Lane, To Herland and Beyond, 238.Return to essay
24 Flexner , Century of Struggle, 224.Return to essay
25 Gilman, The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman, 121.Return to essay
26 Sheryl L. Meyering, Charlotte Perkins Gilman: The Woman and Her Work (London: UMI Research Press, 1989), x.Return to essay
27 Gilman, The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman, 131. Return to essay
28 Charlotte Perkins Gilman, Women and Economics: a Study of the Economic Relation between Men and Women as a Factor in Social Evolution (New York: Gordon Press, 1975), 212. Return to essay
29 Lane, To Herland and Beyond, 257. Return to essay
30 Ibid., 159.Return to essay