How "American" are American Samoans?
By: Cummings C. Lanuola Nauer
Since the 19th century, historians have defined three major waves of American immigration particularly from countries in Europe, Asia, and Latin America. In the case of American Samoans, the native population of the United States Territory of American Samoa, emigration from these islands began in the 1950’s. However, unlike other ethnic groups, like the Mexicans and Chinese, who were also arriving in the U.S. around the same period, American Samoa was already part of the union for nearly 50 years, yet, the natives’ desire to migrate to Hawai’i and the mainland seemed to surface slowly. Although explanations for this delay in the movement of American Samoans are complex, historians have argued that besides the growth in curiosity and adventure of the outside world, American Samoans were forced to leave their homes because they simply had no other alternative to choose from. With the involvement of the United States, especially that of the U.S. Navy, the Samoans grew dependent on the resources, protection, and economic prosperity that the American foreigners introduced and continued to provide from the time of the cession of the islands in 1900. When the U.S. naval base, which was established in Pago Pago, the current capital city, was relocated to Hawai’i in the early 1950’s, work in American Samoa was limited and the natives were not willing nor prepared to return to farm and agricultural work. As migration to the "mainland" became more appealing to the islanders, their American Samoan status as U.S. Nationals was, (and continues to be to this day), confusing and somewhat contradictory to the policies of American citizenship. As American Samoans have discovered, U.S. Nationals are granted "privileges" such as entrance to the United States. However, American citizenship is not part of the package, which greatly limits the political voice of these natives. To understand the disrupted social, political, and economic state in which the American government left American Samoa with the closing of its naval base, a brief historical overview of the Samoan archipelago is necessary, which will discuss the appeal of the islands and its location to foreign powers, U.S. diplomacy, and the push and pull for migration to the U.S. mainland.
Samoan people are known for their rich culture and heritage, but the history of their islands is virtually unknown. From 1870 to 1914, countries like Germany, France, the U.S., and Britain shifted their imperialistic interests to the islands of the South Pacific. The key attractions of these islands were their abundant natural resources as well as their ideal locations for military use. Samoa was among these strategically placed islands, which the major powers desperately wanted to control. Often referred to the "Cradle of Polynesia," the total area of the entire Samoan archipelago is 3, 131 square. Tutuila, an eastern island, houses one of the finest harbors in the South Pacific called the Pago Pago Harbor. In addition to its ideal location, the climate and setting of the islands are attractive as well. Samoa’s climate is tropical, ranging in temperatures from 75 to 90 degrees Fahrenheit and averaging well over 100 inches in rainfall annually.
While the beauty and location of the islands were their obvious attractions, the imperialists were efficient in discovering Samoa’s hidden attractions as well. As in Hawai’i, when the missionaries landed in Samoa, specifically John Williams of the London Missionary Society in 1830, their influence on what the natives produced and traded amongst themselves stimulated the interests of the foreigners even further. Copra, the dried and broken kernel of the coconut, was used to produce items that were in demand in the European market, such as coconut oil, candles, and soap. Historian Sylvia Masterman explains how lucrative the Samoan exports were to these foreign businessmen in The Origins of International Rivalry in Samoa, 1845-1885. She writes, "In Samoa, the first export of coconut oil was by Williams, the son of the missionary, who in 1842 shipped six tons of oil. In 1859, 592 tons worth 14,000 pounds (British currency) were exported, and in the year 1875 the copra export was valued at 121,360 pounds."[1] Not only was copra cultivated in the islands, but as the American Civil War erupted, the British needed new sources of cotton to replace their dependence on the American South and so cotton was also grown in Samoa.
The imperialists were weaving themselves into the Samoan lifestyle and were also incorporating their own ideals, ways of life, and bloodlines in the native society as well. Samoan families welcomed, in fact, encouraged their women to search for papalagi or white foreign husbands. H.J. Moors, a successful businessman from San Francisco who traveled to Samoa in the late 1800’s, settled and married a Samoan woman, and also kept a journal of his time in Samoa, which has been compiled into Some Recollections of Early Samoa. In one particular entry, he describes how Samoan fathers negotiated with these newcomers about marrying their daughters:
"Misi (Mr) you see this fine girl? She is my daughter, and can read and write and sew. She would make a fine wife for you, - she is young, and never had had any lovers. You may have her this very day, I will leave her with you now."[2]
Unlike most victims of imperialism, Samoans were generally not forced into interracial relations, but voluntarily entered into them, resulting in the large increase of afatasi or half-caste population at the turn of the 20th century.
As the European and American presence in Samoa grew, the desire to formally control the islands grew as well and because the foreign influence was so strong, political division was inevitable in Samoa’s future. H.G.A. Hughes explains in his bibliography on the islands how "Samoa became the focus of interest for the three Great Powers of the age of Victoria, Bismarck and the doctrine of Manifest Destiny."[3] During the reign of the last monarch of Samoa, Malietoa Laupepa Tanu I, the Samoan Islands were under the watchful eyes of these outside powers. In order to obtain Samoa, these empires had to learn and understand the king’s power, which would enable them to easily negotiate with him. However, in 1889, disagreements among Samoan chiefs or matai caused upheaval. Since not all Samoans recognized the power of the monarchy, they did not feel obligated to cooperate with Malietoa. This mini-civil war left Samoa vulnerable, which the foreigners observed and took advantage of.
Under the Berlin Treaty, Britain, the United States, and Germany set up a neutral and independent government under King Malietoa. However, when the king passed away in 1898, another dispute erupted among the natives. The three foreign powers intervened once again, this time not only to quell the disturbance, but also to decide what parts of the islands they preferred to add to their own empires. According to Masterman, the Samoans, like the Native Americans, were constantly at war with each other. They were also very weary of fighting over who should govern them. She concludes that the Samoans did not want the challenge of running their own government anymore, so they handed it over to the colonizers. In 1899, the foreign powers abolished the monarchy and in 1900, they signed a series of conventions that made the western islands of Samoa a German protectorate. These islands included Upolu, Savai’i, Apolima, and Manono. These islands became known as Western Samoa, which later achieved full independence in 1962 after being under New Zealand rule since the First World War.
As for the eastern islands of Samoa, they were officially ceded to the U.S. by the various ruling matai in 1900 and 1904. These islands became known as American Samoa. They include Tutuila, the Manu’a islands, which consist of Ofu, Olosega, and Ta’u, Swain’s island, and the uninhabited Rose. The treaty finalizing the cession of Tutuila and Aunu’u states:
"Owing to dissensions, internal disturbances and civil war, the said governments have deemed it necessary to assume the control of the legislation and administration of said state of Samoa…the islands hereinafter described being part of the said State have by said arrangements amongst the said governments, been severed from the parent State, and the Governments of Great Britain and of Germany have withdrawn all rights."[4]
The treaty also included the approval of the local matai:
"All these, the islands of Tutuila and Aunu’u and all other islands, rocks, reefs, foreshores and waters…together with all sovereign rights there unto belonging and possessed by us, to hold the said ceded territory unto the Government of the United States of America."[5]
The document concluded with the various matai swearing allegiance to the United States. It also stated the entitlements they gained, which allowed them to retain their control of their individual towns or villages, as long as that control was in accordance with U.S. laws established in the islands and that peace was maintained among the people. In August of 1897, Honorable Henry C. Ide, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Samoa, wrote in The North American Review about the American interest in the islands and how America’s initial intentions were purely to aid and benefit the natives. He wrote:
"It will be observed that the primary object of all our actions relating to Samoa was not the development of commerce, or the rescue of the Samoans from their own internal conflicts. These latter objects, desirable and important as they are, were secondary and incidental results to be hoped for as flowing from the means adopted for securing the neutralization of the Islands and the preservation of our rights at Pago Pago."[6]
Although he first denies that American interests in Samoa were not for profitable gains, Ide later writes of how economically strategic these islands actually were. "These islands, lying south 10 degrees and west 173 degrees, are in the very path of commerce. They are central to all movements in the South Pacific. Directly past them go all steamers between our Pacific coast and Australia."[7] From 1900 to 1951, the territory was administered by the U.S. Department of the Navy and then was later passed over to the Department of the Interior. It was during this period that migration to the United States began.
Before 1951, the American naval base on Pago Pago employed a number of Samoans and an economic boom was the result of World War II along with the naval presence in the islands. The economy grew because of the expenditures of the U.S. troops stationed on the islands. They brought prosperity to local merchants. Also, through the interaction with the U.S. military, Samoans had access to various imports and material assets, such as clothes and beer. The health of the islanders was improving because they were living longer and having more children. The population was increasing dramatically and Samoans were experiencing some crowding for the first time. Craig Janes, who wrote Migration, Social Change, and Health, commented on this population shift and how the statistics of the time illustrate how the population and health of the islanders were on the rise and improving. "The death rate fell from 24 per 1,000 in 1912 to 8 per 1,000 in 1949. The annual birth rater stayed at 40 children per 1,000 through this period, resulting in a threefold population increase between 1900 and 1950, from about 6,000 to nearly 19,000 persons."[8]
However, when the naval base withdrew from American Samoa and shifted to the Hawaiian Islands in 1951, the economic boom came to a halt. Job opportunities were virtually non-existent without the base and the islanders found themselves abandoned by their American "partners." American Samoans were no longer interested in an agricultural economy because working with the military did not specifically require their farming skills. After years of not practicing those skills, Samoans felt that the old way of life was neither possible nor desirable anymore. Since the influence of the U.S. military was mainly with young Samoan men, emigration seemed to be the only way in which they could enlist. As these aspiring troops left American Samoa for Hawai’i, their families were not far behind them. As the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups reports, "An increasingly unfavorable balance of trade, a sudden and severe drought, and unrealistically high expectations for a standard of material life all fueled the Samoans’ desire to migrate to Hawai’i."[9] Other reasons for emigration besides economic and military opportunities included access to better education and the idea of securing a future not only for themselves but for their families, which stemmed from the belief that many Samoans shared "that all things in Samoa were inferior to what was to be had on the mainland."[10] But what did the mainland not offer these young and optimistic migrants?
As an "unincorporated and unorganized" territory of the United States, the status of American Samoans as U.S. nationals is one of confusion and contradiction. While they have the privilege of free entry into the U.S., their status does not give them any political rights of U.S. citizenship. Although the land in which American Samoans are born and raised in is American soil, the inhabitants of the land are not considered American citizens. In fact, upon their arrival in the U.S., if American Samoans desire to become American citizens, they must go through the process of American citizenship as any other immigrant group must. This is unusual when compared to migrants from other U.S. territories, such as Guam, for which in 1950, Congress passed the Organic Act of Guam, which "conferred US. Citizenship upon the inhabitants of the Territory of Guam."[11] However, along with not being considered true "Americans," American Samoans are also not considered true immigrants either because, as U.S. nationals, they are not included in immigration statistics. This suggests that there is no exact figure of how many American Samoans migrate and have migrated to the U.S. mainland. The Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups states that, "Estimates of the total current Samoan population in the United States range from 40,000 to 60,000; precise figures are lacking because American Samoans, as U.S. Nationals, are not included in immigration statistics."[12] Is this fair representation of an ethnic community and of a group of people of color in American society?
In the realm of politics, American Samoa has an established legislature called Fono, which mirrors the structure of the American Congress. The American Samoan Governor and Lieutenant Governor were appointed from 1951-1978 by the U.S. government, most of who were not of Samoan descent or not of full Samoan descent. Congress passed a provision allowing the American Samoan population to hold elections for the positions of Governor and Lt. Governor in 1977, but the provision also included the creation of another position called Government Comptroller, an appointed office that reports to the Secretary of Interior on all activities, entities, and branches of the American Samoan government. In short, the Comptroller represents the overseeing eyes of the United States government in its territory. With the election of their first governor in 1978, American Samoans were also given the opportunity for "more" representation in Congress by electing a delegate to the House of Representatives. However, this delegate is unlike other representatives in that he/she is not allowed to vote on House issues or bills. It is interesting that this position was created in order to illustrate more representation of the American Samoan people, but sadly, that representation is in name alone because the delegate does not have a voice that counts in Congress. Therefore, while his presence is known, it is definitely not powerful enough to be felt, which in a larger sense, is the same situation that the Territory of American Samoa is in as well.
Because of American involvement in Samoan society, economy, and politics, traditional lifestyles and customs were nearly forgotten and abandoned. The closing of the naval base in Pago Pago in 1951 slowed the economic prosperity, which condensed the job market and made the old economic system based on agriculture less appealing as its simplicity and primitiveness no longer satisfied the American Samoans, who experienced the much more profitable system that the Americans had introduced. It was the desire of adventures in military and travel, the search for better educational opportunities, and the reunion of family members with earlier Samoan emigrants that motivated more and more American Samoans to move towards Hawai’i and the U.S. mainland. As a result of their status as U.S. Nationals, American Samoans have yet to be recognized as true Americans even though they are born on American-owned soil. And so, the question remains: how "American" is American Samoa? Perhaps American Samoans do not realize or understand the full extent of how politically and socially underrepresented they are in American society. In that instance, education is crucial and is really the only way that American Samoa could come into its own. While it may take some time in spreading that education, it should encourage American Samoans to demand more for their rights and accept nothing less. For as all Americans are taught, true American ideals include standing up for one’s human and natural rights, which consist of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."
Footnotes:
[1] Sylvia Masterman, The Origins of International Rivalry in Samoa 1845-1885 (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1934) 58.
[2] H.J.Moors, Some Recollections of Early Samoa (Apia: Western Samoa Historical and Cultural Trust, 1986) 40.
[3] H.G.A. Hughes, Samoa (American Samoa, Western Samoa, Samoans Abroad) (Oxford: Clio, 1997), xxvii.
[4] Eni F. H. Faleomavaega, “Cession of Tutuila and Aunu’u,” Historical Documents, Laws, & Deeds Related to American Samoa (Online, Internet: 25 Oct 2003) Available: house.gov/Faleomavaega/cession-tutuila-aunuu.htm.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Hon. Henry C. Ide, “Our Interest in Samoa,” The North American Review (Vol 165, Issue 489) Aug. 1897, p. 159 in American Memory: The 19th Century in Print <http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?ncpsbib:2:./temp/~ammem_uwFs::.
[7] Ibid, pp. 160 & 161.
[8] Craig R. Janes, Migration, Social Change, and Health: A Samoan Community in Urban California (Stanford: Stanford UP, 1990), 25.
[9] “Pacific Islanders,” Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (New Haven: Harvard UP, 1980) 764.
[10] Janes, 26.
[11] “Pacific Islanders,” 764.
[12] Ibid.